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The AI industry's super PACs spent most of their money in primaries

Two rival AI-policy networks each ran a Democratic and a Republican super PAC. FEC records show 83% of their $59M in independent expenditures went into primaries and runoffs, and more than a third into a single Manhattan primary.

Friday, November 6, 2026 · By the Follow The Money desk · 7 min read

In shortIn the 2026 elections, four super PACs tied to two AI-policy networks reported $59M in independent expenditures, according to FEC records through October 26, 2026: Think Big and American Mission (funded by Leading the Future) and Jobs and Democracy PAC and Defending Our Values PAC (funded mainly by Public First Action Inc, a nonprofit that does not disclose its donors). 83% of that spending was in primaries and primary runoffs and 13% in the general election. The largest single contest was the Democratic primary in New York's 12th District, where Jobs and Democracy PAC reported $13M supporting Alexander Bores and Think Big reported $8.2M opposing him. The records show where the money went, not whether it changed any result.

The day after the November 3 election, Fortune tallied how candidates backed by the AI industry's super PACs had done. It is a natural question, and a scoreboard is a natural way to answer it. But the FEC records suggest the scoreboard looks at the wrong night. Most of this money was not spent in November at all.

Two rival networks did most of the spending. Leading the Future, which Fortune describes as favoring light regulation of AI, funds a Democratic arm called Think Big and a Republican arm called American Mission. Public First, which Fortune describes as favoring stronger safeguards, has its own pair: Jobs and Democracy PAC on the Democratic side and Defending Our Values PAC on the Republican side. Together the four arms reported $59M in independent expenditures this cycle. Of that, 83% went into primaries and primary runoffs, the contests where a party's own voters choose its nominee.

Preliminary dataIndependent-expenditure notices run through October 26. Committees' own receipts run through September 30 or October 14, depending on the group. Post-general reports are due December 3, and these totals will change.

Exhibit 1

More than four in five dollars went to nomination contests

Democratic armRepublican arm

Leading the Future network

StageThink BigAmerican Mission
PrimariesParty nomination contests$17M$7.5M
Primary runoffsSecond-round nomination contests–$1.3M
General electionFrom August 19 (after the last primary in these states)$1.3M$5.5M
Stage unclearCoded special, other, or general before the primaries ended$5K$2.1M
TotalAll stages$19M$16M

Public First network

StageJobs and DemocracyDefending Our Values
PrimariesParty nomination contests$16M$5.3M
Primary runoffsSecond-round nomination contests$250K$2.0M
General electionFrom August 19 (after the last primary in these states)$599K$515K
Stage unclearCoded special, other, or general before the primaries ended–$36K
TotalAll stages$17M$7.9M
Independent expenditures disseminated through October 26, 2026; preliminary. Stage comes from the FEC election type each group reported and the date the communication went out: P is a primary, R before November 3 a primary runoff, G on or after August 19 the general election. Spending coded special or other, or coded general but dated before the primaries ended, is shown as unclear ($2.1M, most of it American Mission's). Amendments superseded and refunds netted. Source: FEC independent-expenditure file.

Mostly primaries

Split by stage, the networks look less like general-election players and more like primary specialists. Leading the Future's two arms put 75% of their $35M into nomination contests. Public First's arms put 95% of their $24M there. Across all four arms, only $7.9M, or 13%, was general-election spending.

That matters for how the money gets judged. A primary often has a handful of candidates from the same party and very little outside spending. A few million dollars there can be a large share of everything said about the race. A general election for a competitive seat draws money from the parties, their super PACs and dozens of other groups. The same check is a smaller voice in a louder room. Our meddling score scores every large outside group on exactly this: its share of money spent in primaries, and how much of the conversation in its races it accounted for.

And nowhere was the primary focus sharper than in one district.

Exhibit 2

One Manhattan primary drew 36% of all four arms' spending

SupportingOpposing

New York's 12th District, Democratic primary

Independent expenditures, all four arms

Jobs and Democracy PAC (Public First), supporting Alexander Bores
$13M
Think Big (Leading the Future), opposing Alexander Bores
$8.2M
Every other contest, all four arms combined
$38M
Independent expenditures disseminated through October 26, 2026; preliminary. Primary-stage independent expenditures naming Alexander Bores in New York's 12th District, from the FEC independent-expenditure file. The bottom bar is every other contest the four arms reported spending in, at every stage, for scale. All three bars are independent expenditures; none are campaign receipts.

In New York's 12th District, the two networks met head-on. Jobs and Democracy PAC reported $13M supporting Alexander Bores in the June Democratic primary. Think Big reported $8.2M opposing him. For each of the two Democratic arms, this was the single largest contest of the cycle. Together, $21M went into one primary for one House seat, more than a third of everything the four arms spent.

Both networks describe their purpose in terms of AI policy, according to Fortune, yet the contest that drew the most money from either of them was a choice between Democrats for one party's nomination. Our race data covers the general election, not the primary vote, so this essay does not report the primary result; the NY-12 race page has the November race.

Where the money came from

Each network is a funnel: a parent group collects the money, then passes it to its partisan arms. The FEC records show each hop separately, and they reach further back on one side than the other.

Exhibit 3

Each network funds its arms from one parent group

Democratic armRepublican arm

Leading the Future network

Leading the Future is itself a super PAC. Fortune, citing its FEC filings, reports it is funded largely by Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz and by Greg and Anna Brockman.

Leading the Future gave $45M to the two arms.

Public First network

Public First Action Inc is a nonprofit that does not disclose its donors, so the public records stop there. Public First is a political committee registered with the FEC.

Public First Action Inc gave $23M to the two arms.

Itemized receipts reported by each arm to the FEC: Think Big and American Mission through October 14, Jobs and Democracy PAC and Defending Our Values PAC through September 30. These are money received, not money spent; compare them with Exhibit 1 only as separate ledgers. Gifts under $100,000 not shown. Super PAC money is pooled, so no donor's dollars can be tied to a particular expenditure.

On the Leading the Future side, the arms' filings show $45M arriving from the parent super PAC, split evenly between the Democratic and Republican arms. One step further back, Fortune reports, citing Leading the Future's own FEC filings, that the parent is funded largely by Andreessen Horowitz co-founders Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz and by OpenAI president Greg Brockman and Anna Brockman. Those gifts to the parent are not in our dataset, so we link to the source rather than draw the line ourselves.

On the Public First side, most of the money, $23M, came from Public First Action Inc, a nonprofit. Nonprofits of this kind do not have to name their donors, so the trail on this side ends one hop earlier. That is a real asymmetry: one network's backers can be named from public filings, the other's largely cannot.

What reached November

The general-election money was small and, for the most part, spread thin. American Mission reported the most, $5.5M across 17 contests. Its largest general-election bet was $1.6M supporting Darline Graham in the South Carolina Senate race; 14 of its other general-election contests drew less than $300,000 each. Think Big's $1.3M went to 4 contests, all supporting Democratic House candidates. Only $599K of all the general-election money opposed a candidate.

Exhibit 4

The general-election money, arm by arm

Supporting a DemocratSupporting a RepublicanOpposing

General-election independent expenditures

August 19 to October 26

American Mission (Leading the Future) · $5.5M

For Darline Graham (SC-SEN)
$1.6M
For Julia Letlow (LA-SEN)
$506K
For Cindy Hyde-Smith (MS-SEN)
$495K
14 more contests, none over $240K
$2.9M

Think Big (Leading the Future) · $1.3M

For Joseph Morelle (NY-25)
$351K
For Emilia Sykes (OH-13)
$332K
For Greg Stanton (AZ-04)
$327K
For Steven Horsford (NV-04)
$321K

Jobs and Democracy PAC (Public First) · $599K

Against Gabe Evans (CO-08)
$599K

Defending Our Values PAC (Public First) · $515K

For Alex Mealer (TX-09)
$258K
For John Cowan (GA-11)
$257K
Independent expenditures disseminated through October 26, 2026; preliminary. General-election stage only: FEC election type G, dated August 19 or later. Seat codes are state and district (SEN for Senate). Source: FEC independent-expenditure file; each group's full list is on its page (American Mission, Think Big, Jobs and Democracy PAC, Defending Our Values PAC).

Read against Exhibit 1, the pattern is plain. In the general election these groups mostly supported nominees, in modest amounts. Their large sums came earlier, in the contests that chose those nominees.

What this does and doesn't show

The records show where four committees reported spending, at which stage, and who gave to them. They do not show whether that spending changed any result, in a primary or in November, and this essay makes no such claim. A candidate who won with a group's support may well have won without it.

They also do not show everything the AI industry spent. Fortune, citing Tech Influence Watch, puts AI super PAC spending at $79 million across 68 seats; our figure covers only these four arms. Money given directly to candidates, party committees or other groups is not here, and the nonprofit at the top of the Public First network does not disclose its donors. Stage coding depends on how each group filled in its reports; $2.1M could not be placed in a stage and is shown separately.

Finally, these are preliminary figures. Notices run through October 26, and the committees' full post-general reports are due December 3. We will update the numbers then.

83%

of the four AI super PACs' spending went to primaries and runoffs

$21M

in one Manhattan primary, the two networks on opposite sides

$7.9M

in general-election independent expenditures, all four combined

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Sources. FEC bulk files for the 2025–26 cycle (candidate summary, committee summary, independent expenditures, individual contributions), through the pre-general reports and topped up with later e-filings; race calls refreshed every three hours. Outside reporting is linked where it is used.

Every transaction described here was publicly reported. The records alone do not establish illegality, improper coordination, donor motive or a quid pro quo. Found an error? Write to corrections@followthemoney.ai or see corrections.

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